The McCain Doctrine
Michael Avari Wednesday, March 26, 2008 at 11:00PM Coming one day after his paean to free market economics (please see my previous post), McCain delivered a comprehensive speech today on foreign affairs that presents his vision of America’s role in the world 1. Like his previous address, this one is as much a statement of guiding principles as it a prescription for specific action. Like the last one, it lays out a role for America quite different than the one the current administration sees and the one foreseen by McCain’s opponents, Clinton and Obama, who were too busy responding to McCain’s ideas about the economy with more proposals for larger government and higher taxes.
McCain started by delineating several principles that reflect as much about the man and his life experience as they do about policy:
a) “I detest war.” The best warriors are also war’s best adversaries. McCain’s heroic service in the Vietnam War, his being a third generation naval officer whose grandfather and father served in World War II, qualify him beyond anyone to say, “Only a fool or a fraud sentimentalizes the merciless reality of war.”
b) McCain sees America’s special role “to raise the world to a new standard of existence … to lead by attracting others to our cause, by demonstrating … the virtues of freedom and democracy, by defending the rules of international civilized society …”, to engage in “international good citizenship” and “to be good stewards of our planet.” This is a proud, but humble, American leader who will emerge as a refreshing change from the swaggering cowboy now viewed by the rest of the world as the ugly American.
c) “We can’t torture or treat inhumanely suspected terrorists we have captured.” This come from a man who for four years was tortured in ways most of us cannot even imagine--by his own volition to give support to other American captives. McCain knows that a great nation is also a moral nation.
d) “Our great power does not mean we can do whatever we want whenever we want, nor should we assume we have all the wisdom and knowledge necessary to succeed.” American Civility on a national and international scale: McCain will reverse the contempt other countries feel for our country by demonstrating that we, unlike any other country, know the quintessence of responsibility and restraint that power imposes.
On this foundation, McCain then articulated what deserves to be known as the McCain Doctrine:
On our allies: “… we will try to persuade our friends… but we … must be willing to be persuaded by them.”
On Latin America: we are bound by history and experience and a shared geography. We should work with our “natural partner” toward the first “completely democratic hemisphere, where trade is free across all borders, where the rule of law and the power of free markets advance the security and prosperity of all.” McCain might have addressed also the parallel problems of dictatorships and the resulting trampling of human rights in Latin America, and the drug traffic that is destroying North American culture.
On China: we are “not destined to be adversaries”. Yet, China should be “more transparent about its military build up … and [work] with the world to isolate pariah states ...”. McCain’s omission on this matter was a discussion of human rights and oppression, for example of Tibet. He also ignored the fate of Taiwan which has been a stalwart ally of and trading partner with the US long before China discovered the benefits of a free market economy.
On the transatlantic alliance: we recognize the alliance ended the cold war, not just the US alone. We should now develop a “common energy policy”, tie our economies more closely, cooperate on climate change, and promote democracy.
And in the midst of that list McCain skillfully injected this gem: we should address “the dangers posed by a revanchist Russia”. Followed by, "the G-8 ... should exclude Russia” and “the solidarity of NATO, from the Baltic to the Black Sea, is indivisible and the organization’s doors remains open to all democracies committed to the defense of freedom. [emphasis added]” This is an important statement. While the president of Russia, Medvedev, a Putin protégé, warns against the expansion of NATO 2, McCain established a critical policy in Reagan-esque fashion: the West will stand fast against Russian “nuclear blackmail and cyber attack”.
On Africa: McCain’s goal is to eradicate malaria and insists on transparency and the rule of law. No mention of economic policy for Africa here; perhaps he realizes that that can only be considered on a workable legal framework.
On nuclear proliferation: “we do not need all the weapons currently in our arsenal”. That acknowledgment should give us standing to “reverse ... proliferation”. One would have preferred to see a policy to get India to sign the non-proliferation treaty and to diffuse the tension in the Middle East by convincing Israel to reduce or eliminate their arsenal. Then we could claim absolute standing to prevent others in the region from acquiring nuclear weapons as a matter of pure principle.
On terrorism: “It will require the use of all elements of our national power” … diplomacy, economic assistance, strong intelligence.
On the Middle East: with a keen sense of history, McCain proposes a clean break from our past flirtations with autocrats by the nurturing of democracy. This latter point may be viewed as idealistic, while remaining attractive as an objective rather than policy. Saudi Arabia, for example, may not be fertile ground for democracy because of history, culture, and religion. A Mid East policy requires much greater nuance and a profound understanding of the region’s roots independent of the pressures of local American politics on the President. A homeland for the Palestinians, for instance, would depreciate many of the sources of tension in the area, and help Israel in the process.
This is truly an exhaustive program. One might think overly ambitious. It seems that way only because we have for too long lacked such a broad understanding of the dynamics around the world and of the proper role for America in it. McCain, it seems, would fill that void.
1- Remarks By John McCain To The Los Angeles World Affairs Council, 25 March 2008
2-"Medvedev warns against expanding NATO east", Financial Times, 24 March 2008
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